The title of this blog is Dance for Peace. It has focused on protest against the brutal and illegal occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan and on the consequences of the coup d’etat that put the current regime in power and continues to dismantle the US Constitution.
In the recent weeks of economic crisis, I have only alluded to the crisis and emphasized the implementation of martial law in this country and the savage conduct of the occupations, trying to keep these issues in the forefront while the corporate media are burying them beneath the financial news. I knew that I wanted to connect the dots between the financial system and the brutal militarism, but I couldn’t decide how.
An article in Le Monde speaks to these matters very eloquently. Written by a distinguished professor of philosophy, Alain Badiou, who has also written fiction and plays, its eloquence reminds me of the French tradition that created the great sermons of Bossuet, delivered by that prelate to the court of Louis XIV. It is a call to action as well as a cogent analysis of the situation.
Le Monde is the most prestigeous newspaper in France. I cannot imagine the New York Times, which has become a propaganda organ for the regime here, printing such an article. In fact, any voice in the US to suggest some of the things Badiou does is silenced, never appears in print, is beyond the pale. Badiou criticizes the European press and governments, justifiably, but once more, I am struck by how relatively free they still are compared to the US.
Below is my translation of the article by Badiou which you can read in the original French by clicking here. I suggest you take anything you like from this and leave what you don’t.
What Real Crisis is this Show About?
by Alain Badiou
As it is presented to us, the global financial crisis resembles one of those bad films concocted by the factory of formula successes that is today called the “cinema.” Nothing is lacking, including the huge swings that terrorize us; black Friday is inevitable, everything is collapsing, everything is going to collapse.
But hope remains. In the forefront of the scene a tight group as in a catastrophe film, haggard, the little squadron of the powerful, the firefighters of the monetary fire, the Sarkozy, Paulson, Merkel, Brown, the Trichets and the other central bank heads, force into the central breach billions of billions. “Save the banks!” This noble humanistic and democratic cry rises from all the political and media throats. For the actors of this film, that is to say the rich, their servants, their parasites, those who envie them, and those who laud them, a happy ending I believe, I sense, is inevitable, given what the world and politicians are today.
Let us turn around and look rather at the spectators of this show, the crowd of the beaten down who hear like a far away noise the hullabuloo of the banks at bay, who guess at the harassed weekends of the glorious little troop of heads of government, who see the equally colossal and obscure sums being thrown about, and who compare to them their own resources that compose the basis both bitter and courageous of their own lives. I say that that is what is “real” and that we will not understand it until we turn away from the spectacle on the screen and consider the invisible mass of those for whom the catastrophe film, including its rosy ending (Sarkozy embraces Merkel, and everyone weeps for joy) has never been anything but a show of shadows cast on a screen.
There has been a lot of talk these past weeks of the “real economy” (production of goods). Opposed to that is the “unreal economy” (speculation) from which all the evil has come, given that its agents have become “irresponsible,” “irrational,” and “predators.” This distinction is obviously absurd. Financial capitalism has been a major factor of capitalism in general for five centuries. As for the owners and actors of this system, they are, by definition, only “responsible” for profits, their “rationality” is measurable only in gains, and not only are they “predators,” but they have a duty to be predators.
There is nothing more “real” in the storehouse of capitalist production than its market stage and its speculative hold. The return to the real cannot be a movement that leads from bad, “irrational” speculation to sane production. It is rather an immediate and conscious return to the life of those who inhabit the world. It is from that point that we can observe capitalism without flinching, including the catastrophe film that it is imposing on us at this time. The real is not the film but the audience.
What do we see thus turned around in the right direction? We see, what is called seeing, simple things that have been true for a long time: capitalism is nothing less than banditry, irrational in its essence and devastating in its unfolding. It has always paid for short decades of savagely unequal prosperity with crises where astronomical quantities of value disappear; with bloody punitive expeditions in all zones it judged to be strategic or menacing; and with world wars where it heals itself.
Let’s leave to the crisis-film, seen in this light, its didactic power. Can we still dare, faced with the life of the people who are watching it, to boast of a system that puts the organization of collective life on the basis of the lowest impulses: avarice; competition; unconscious, mechanical egotism? Praising a “democracy” where the leaders are the servants of the privatization of wealth with such impunity that it would astonish Marx himself, he who already a hundred sixty years ago qualified governments as “founded on the power of capital?” To affirm that it is impossible to plug the hole in basic social programs but that one must, with countless billions, plug the hole in the banks?
The only thing that we can hope for from this affair is that this didactic power can be found in lessons drawn about the people from this dark scene, not about the bankers, the governments that serve them, and the media that serve the governments. I see two levels articulated in this return to the real. The first is clearly political. As the film shows it, the “democratic” fetish is only the interest of the banks. Its real name, the technical name that I have proposed for it for a longtime is “capital-parlementarianism.” It is suitable then, as myriad experiences during the last twenty years have already begun to do, to organize a different political order.
This new order is, and will be for a long time, very distant from the seats of power of the State, but that doesn’t matter. It is beginning at the level of the real with a practical alliance of those most immediately available to invent it: the working class people newly arrived from Africa and elsewhere, and the intellectual inheritors of the political battles of recent decades. It will grow as a function of what it can do, step by step. It will not undertake any kind of organic alliance with the existing extremist parties, nor with the current electoral and institutional system that give them life. It will invent a new discipline, a political effectiveness, and a new idea of what can be their victory for those who have nothing.
The second level is ideological. The old verdict according to which we are at the “end of ideologies” must be overturned. We see very clearly today that this supposed end has no other reality than the objective “let’s save the banks.” Nothing is more important than reviving the passion for ideas, of opposing to the world as it is a general hypothesis, an anticipated certainty of another course of action. To the malfeasant spectacle of capitalism, we oppose the real life of people and of the existence of a right use of ideas. The motive of an emancipation of humanity has lost nothing of its power. The word “communist,” which has named this power for a long time, has certainly been vilified and prostituted.
But, today, its disappearance only serves the holders of the old order, the fevered actors of the catastrophe film. We are going to revive it in its new clarity. And with it its old virtue, what Marx said of communism that it “broke with traditional ideas in the most radical way” and that it brought forth “an association in which the free development of each person is the condition for the free development of all.”
Total rupture with capital-parlementarianism, a political system invented at the level of real people and of the sovereignty of the idea– everything is there to prise us free of the crisis film and lead us to a fusion of living thought and organized action.

Professor Alain Badiou
Instead of such ideas, we US taxpayers will contribute both directly and indirectly to huge bonuses for the people responsible for the failed banks which the Regime is bailing out with our money. You can read more here on this matter.